Reclaiming Women‟s power by eatery names in two multicultural cities

fewer than

others."In contrast, competition is crucial to the restaurant industry, with chefs vying for customers and media attention.As a second point of reference, the competitiveness in the food industry's branding has likewise pushed women to the sidelines.This is because addressing a married woman by her husband's name is regarded as a sign of respect, as Kalamo et al., (2021) study on feminine registries in Java indicated.As indicated by naming their restaurants and other establishments, women's participation in public life is still underestimated.Both Javanese and Malay ethnics can serve as the basis for a ruling on the existing state of reference in Yogyakarta Municipality and Malacca.Told the cities to possess a rich cultural heritage.Nonetheless, they handle the cultural gender bias differently, particularly in restaurant names.Our condition, which forms the basis of this research, needs more attention from researchers.
Each civilization has its form of government.However, the labels matriarchy and patriarchy are commonly used in particular cultures.The majority of contemporary societies are patriarchal in practice [7], [8].Patriarchy is a structured social order in which men control others, yet, it can also relate exclusively to male dominance over women.It can also refer to various ways in which males exploit or oppress others through their societal privileges, such as masculine moral authority and property domination [9], [10], [11].Certain patriarchal societies are patrilineal, which indicates that property and position are inherited through male ancestry [12].This dominance is attributed to significant biological differences between men and women to explain and justify patriarchy.Academics are divided on whether patriarchy is a societal construct or the result of underlying gender differences [13].They contend that gender roles and inequality are instruments of power that have grown into social standards to retain control over women.These factors help rationalize women's oppression [14].Historically, patriarchy has manifested itself in a range of social, legal, political, ecclesiastical, and economic structures [8].
In contrast, a matriarchy is a society in which women, especially mothers, hold the most important positions of political leadership, moral authority, and property control.It does not include cultures where females periodically lead for non-matriarchal reasons or jobs in which females predominate without respect to matriarchies, such as prostitution or women's auxiliaries in male-run organizations.Several scholars define matriarchy as a "culture or community in which such a system predominates" or a "family, society, organization, etc., dominated by a woman or women" or even "women's reign" [15].Most academics separate egalitarian nonpatriarchal systems from matriarchies with stricter definitions.Gottner-Abendroth states that a reluctance to accept the existence of matriarchies may be due to a culturally biased understanding of what a matriarchy is: because men rule over women in a patriarchy [16], a matriarchy has often been conceptualized as women ruling over men, despite her belief that matriarchies are egalitarian [15].
Yogyakarta is a well-known city that displays the various culture of Indonesia [17].This city is a melting pot of Indonesian nationalities, dialects, and cuisines (DIY, 2010).Due to the presence of an active Javanese kingdom in the city, Yogyakarta is also regarded as the keeper of Javanese cultural heritage.The patriarchal system of Javanese society is one of the protected cultural heritages [18], [19], [20], [21].This system places men ahead of women in every facet of life, including the home [22].Meanwhile, Malacca, also known as Melaka, was ruled by a sultan in the past [23].However, this city's development was influenced by other cultures other than Malay.These cultures are Chinese, Portuguese, Indian, and Peranakan [24], [25], [26], [27].
In immigrant society, however, female names or particular feminine identities are more likely to be associated with eatery names.niknami & fazel investigates the names of Persian eateries and stores in Vienna [28].In actuality, the study elucidates each group discovered during data collecting.It demonstrates that most immigrant names in Vienna are either geographically based or feminine.Brunner et al., also identify the elements contributing to gender identification in restaurants with a feminine motif [29].Then, Liu, with the assistance of Chen, who examines the names of American Chinese restaurants in Los Angeles County, investigates the names of Padang restaurants in Surabaya, Indonesia [30], [31].Some patterns representing the owners' names, prayers, and locations are discernible [32], as well as some other names associated with unity or customs.Setiawati and Worobroto record bakso eatery names in Malang, East Java, Indonesia, to be more precise [33].They similarly identify the semantic linkages between these and conclude that other categories are forming, such as owner names and localities.They included gender identification information in the balanced piece [34].
As a means of enhancing the culinary identity journey in specific regions, restaurateurs have a variety of naming options from which to choose for their food-selling businesses [35].These may include the proprietors' names, backgrounds, aspirations, and even popular dictionaries [36].Based on the food promoted, a gender identity evolves concerning the proprietors' names [37].Certain restaurants have feminine names since women typically sell the cuisine and vice versa.Although Mukherjee and Centra and Gaubatz broadly define gender bias as treating people differently or unjustly based solely on their gender [4], this study does not wish to dive into this topic [38].It only attempts to capture and explain the 'custom' of naming eateries according to the food sold, particularly concerning gender-marked names.Moreover, in terms of culture, this study includes detailed descriptions of data originating from two separate towns in various nations, Yogyakarta (Indonesia) and Malacca (Malaysia), to demonstrate a more profound cultural knowledge of the subject of naming.In support of this research, several comparable articles are analyzed to identify the gaps.In some areas, male names are overwhelmingly used when naming restaurants [31].The prologue highlights Neethling's research on liquor brand names [39].The data indicate that traditionally, male names were preferred when naming liquors.The producers of alcoholic beverages began to employ female names to entice more customers [40].
Additionally, Walkowiak (2018) addresses the occurrence of female street names in several Polish cities.Unfortunately, just 11% of their appearance is captured [41].With a comparable proportion, Mora and Peralias likewise discover gender equality in street names throughout Spain.Only 12% of 15 million street names are feminine [42].Zuvalinyenga and Bigon's (2020) research identifies the gender bias in urban sub-Saharan African street names [43].The analysis reveals a more significant number of masculine street names than feminine ones, and the authors map the significant rational elements behind this phenomenon [44].Even so, there is a deep link among Afro-Americans to constantly honor Martin Luther King with the names of their restaurants [45].
Accordingly, it can be observed that gender-themed eateries exist and are increasing [46].Women's names continue to trail men's in restaurant names, even though the situation is becoming more balanced in some areas [47].In addition, it is essential to emphasize the uniformity of culture and restaurants that sell traditional or famous dishes.Men's names are overwhelmingly dominant in a society with a single culture [48].In the meantime, feminine names started to appear in immigrant populations.However, the treatment of female names in multicultural cultures concerning restaurant names has yet to be studied sufficiently [49].The types of eateries covered in the research mentioned above have a broad reach and do not include the traditional eateries that every community must have to reflect its culture [50].Consequently, the void must be investigated.This study aims to investigate the presence of gender in restaurant names and the effect of culture on cultural acceptance of gender representation in restaurant name branding.

Method
The nature of this research is qualitative.Direct observations and documentation, supplemented with online ones via the Google platform, were conducted to cover all of the names of restaurants selling the targeted foods in Yogyakarta: gudeg eateries, angkringan, and restaurants selling soupy foods such as mie ayam (chicken noodle), bakso (soup with meatball), and soto (traditional Indonesian soup with meat and vegetables) [51].Meanwhile, Malacca was dominated by restaurants providing rice-based Malay cuisines such as laksa and asam pedas.In addition, several eateries identical to Chinese or Peranakans, considered 'locally born' [52] or characterized as Chinese-Malay children [53], were analysed.Because everything is currently searchable on Google, an online data collection technique is selected.Specifically, Google helps vendors make their products easily discoverable and sellable via reviews or maps.Therefore, it is logical when locating the names of restaurants through internet platforms is not only dependable but also more efficient, especially for completing the initial direct observations and documentation [54].The gathered data were then classified according to their semantic links.In addition, a comprehensive investigation of the survival of female names in restaurant names was conducted, followed by developing a pattern for gender-specific naming.To elucidate the inspiration for the moniker, interviews were conducted with the proprietors of the targeted restaurants.

Results and Discussion
Taking into account the preceding paragraph's introduction and methodology, the following paragraph's results and discussion will focus on how the female markers are used to assign women positions of authority in society.

A. Female Struggling for Authenticity
Due to society's inherent patriarchal system, women are viewed as second-class citizens in virtually all arenas, especially those involving the public sector [55].However, women nowadays are demonstrating their dual responsibilities, not only in domestic duties but also in their careers.Despite the small number of working women in Indonesia, as sampled by Ford and Parker (2008), this article focuses on awakening women to achieve status equality in numerous domains, including employment [56].
This also influences the restaurant names in Malacca and Yogyakarta.Gudeg and laksa serve as examples of how contemporary women appeared in public.Currently, women have the same potential as men to reclaim equality in a patriarchal society via the internet, particularly in the context of restaurant names.If gudeg and laksa have developed a solid reputation in the neighbourhood and are in a good negotiating position, the following restaurants are still fighting for recognition [57].
In Yogyakarta Municipality, the soupy food group shall use both gender-specific addresses.However, in Malacca, typical eateries and those serving various varieties of nasi should use genderspecific addresses.This is because the opening hours of these establishments are typically the same regardless of whether they are connected with men or women.Specifically, they provide dishes for brunch, lunch, or between 10 a.m. and 4 p.m.
Because both men and women work during these hours.Working hours limit men to their employment.In the meantime, while their husbands are at work, women care for their families at home.Consequently, they work the same hours.The pattern of eatery names for soupy items such as bakso (meatball), Soto (traditional Indonesian soup with meat and vegetables), and mie ayam (chicken noodle) is shown in Table 1.Both sites establish their restaurant names similarly by appending human names to the available menus.Pak (Sir) is used in two separate cultures, such as in the most famous meatball restaurant in Yogyakarta, Bakso Pak Ateng [58], and Malacca's Pak Putra Tandoori & Naan and Warung Pak Enal Bukit Katil.People often use pak to address their father or another older male respectfully.In this usage, pak refers explicitly to an adult guy.Moreover, this way of addressing is neutral and devoid of ethnic connotations.Similarly, bu, which is neutral and does not promote any particular ethnicity when used in restaurant names, is not ethnically biased.In contrast, Javanese individuals frequently employ ma'e, a female signifier.Some more terms, such as bang, mas, and cak, also reflected in the restaurant names, indicate unique ethnicity.These many terms signify the same thing: "bro."However, many calling names originate from distinct societies.Bang is primarily famous in Sumatra.Then, Javanese people prefer to refer to men older than the speaker with the term mas.However, when Javanese are described as East Javanese residing in Madura, cak is the most common term mentioned (KBBI Daring, 2016).In Malay, the term kak can refer to an older brother or sister.Due to the neutral connotation of kak, gender is determined by the personal names or owners' names that follow it.However, it contrasts with the Javanese antithesis of mas, mbak, which is an address.Therefore, it is unambiguously feminine, even without any personal names following it.
Another issue is using the social titles H, Hajj, Hj., and Hajjah for those who have performed the hajj.As previously established, "H" before personal names in restaurant names indicates a guy who has performed the hajj.He was awarded the title as an acknowledgment by society or by himself.In the meantime, Hj or Hajjah is a social status given to women who have performed the hajj.It is evident in the names of the restaurants Nasi Beriani Haji Tamby, Warung Hajjah Robiah, and Soto Seger Hj.Fatimah, and Soto Jogja Hj.Alwi.The use of direct personal names is widespread in restaurant naming.They are labeled with the types of food they serve, such as Bakso Urat & Mi ayam Rizky 2 and Soto Ayam Cilacap Ghani, indicating that these restaurants serve meatballs, chicken noodles, and soto.Additional examples include Yazid Daun Banana, Restoran Nasi Lemak Anis Putri, and Restauran Nasi Kandar Subaidah, all of which offer a variety of rice-based meals.
However, using famous hero names as restaurant names is unique to Malacca and is not permitted by Yogyakarta Municipality.Nasi Lemak Hang Tuah is an example.Hang Tuah is a wellknown hero in Malacca.He was one of the nine Hangs who contributed significantly to Malacca's development throughout the Dynasty [27].To date, the names of Indonesian heroes have been applied to naming streets, structures, and even government agencies.This begs the question of whether individuals are permitted to utilize the names of legendary heroes for the names of their restaurants and, if so, which legendary heroes have been used.Street food is yet another type of eatery associated with men.These restaurants are distinguishable from others by using semipermanent or temporary buildings, such as tents or stalls, that are easy to erect and dismantle.In the Yogyakarta Municipality, it is known as angkringan, whereas in Malacca, it is referred to as kedai.Due to the assimilation of masculine stereotypes into street life, both sexes resemble men.In addition, angkringan is associated with Yogyakarta's nightlife since it is open after the sun has set, sometimes until the wee hours of the morning.In Malacca, kedai functions according to the employees' working hours.Here are some examples.In contrast to the previously described soups, angkringan in Table 3 suggests that the Javanese community is associated with the restaurant itself.Angkringan is derived from the word angkring, which means "pikulan dalah saprabote dingo ider-ider" , which can be interpreted as a collection of places carried with a bamboo stick used for peddling.According to its past, the well-known Angkringan could offer menus throughout the entire town.Merchants do not remain in a single spot but rather adhere to a set schedule.Currently, though, the tendency is shifting.Angkringan has a specific location, employs a wheeled cart, and provides a broader selection of menu items.When angkringan is juxtaposed with other Javanese-identical name features, such as lek, kang, pakdhe, mbah, mas, mbok, yu, and mbak, this key feature becomes more comprehensive.Despite being classed as street food and having a temporary structure, kedai in Malacca follows a pattern comparable to that of other eateries (see Table 6 above).They continue to use the same names as other restaurants, including Haji, Hj., Hajah, Pak, and Nyonya.There is only one available name option, aunty.Unlike angkringan, however, aunty does not identify with a particular culture.This option refers to global recognition, as English is a global language that is spoken in practically every country.
The preceding tables, specifically tables are not intended to statistically illustrate that male names predominate over female names in restaurant names; instead, they are designed to demonstrate that female names exist for several reasons.Tur and Pratishara state that commercial appeal, networking, and authenticity are some of the most popular naming considerations [59].The concept of natural selection also plays a role in selecting feminine names.
According to interviews, market attraction and networking are essential aspects.Some participants reported that female names were more socially acceptable in their families than masculine ones.Marketing and networking need to adopt a feminine name [60].As a result of her husband's lack of social engagements in the neighbourhood, the wife's name is more well-known and regularly used as an address [61].Contrary to Javanese culture, a married woman is often referred to as "bu + her husband's name," such as Bu Cokro, where Cokro is her husband's name.This indicates that female names might breach the patriarchal constraints of Javanese culture via restaurant names.In addition, their engagement in communal activities proves that women can attain parity with males and be accepted by society.
Authenticity is an additional objective.Originality is a characteristic that must be possessed and maintained.It can also be used as an identification technique to differentiate between identities.Among the plethora of restaurant names that provide the same cuisine, restaurant names will ultimately serve as identifiers.Typically, this motivation applies to both male and female names linked to restaurant names.However, according to the interviews, this rationale is chosen by people who give their establishments female names.This pertains directly to the chef who prepared the cuisine served.If there are customer complaints or testimonials on the dishes they serve, women believe they must accept accountability.In addition, their role is more central than that of men.However, survival is also considered when choosing female names for restaurants.Some claimed they did not entirely know the meanings of patriarchy and matriarchy.They are only responsible for family finances.This is due to the single-parent status of the family, which involves meeting daily and other needs, such as school fees, savings, social funds, and other unforeseen money.
Due to the factors mentioned above, female names may appear in restaurant names in certain instances.As stated earlier, this motive arises from a male name that cannot be depended upon and does not support the business being conducted, such as the social position of widows who are forced to live independently to survive.Although it cannot be said with certainty that when men play a significant part in a business, the male's name will be associated with the establishment's name, this is often the case.However, this may be a notion that the future direction of existence demands women and men to perform equal societal roles.This fairness is represented in the characteristics of the lonely economy community, where individuals desire to live alone and maintain their own identity.

B. Female Authenticity
Because of the kingdom's historical involvement in the area, significant cultural landmarks such as Yogyakarta and Malacca have been preserved in both cities.Indeed, the monarchy that once stood in Yogyakarta is still operational today.Because it exists, it serves as a cultural stakeholder, helping to preserve Javanese culture and ensuring it will continue to exist.Their current socioeconomic situations are very different from what they were in the past, even though they share a historical past.Even though Yogyakarta is known as a "miniature of Indonesia" due to the presence of many different ethnic groups, Javanese culture, in all of its expressions, is so alive and potent in this city that it is hard to believe.However, classifying Yogyakarta as a city that embraces multiculturalism is a complex task.Malacca, on the other hand, is well-known for being a city that is both cosmopolitan and bilingual.People from many different cultures live there, creating a new social structure that any one ethnic group does not dominate.Participation in various exchanges will result in an increased prevalence of cultural variety.
The initial transaction takes place through interpersonal engagement (Bramwell, 2018).Yogyakarta's population of Javanese welcomed newcomers from other countries so that they may learn about other cultures.The incorporation of different cultures into Javanese culture is becoming increasingly apparent.The assimilation of immigrants, in this example, people who worked in the culinary industry, into Javanese society is facilitated by the aspiration of the newcomers to be accepted by the populace of Java.To become a part of society and be accepted by it, people of Chinese ancestry, for instance, are willing to make creative adjustments to the local culture (Tan, 2006).They refer to themselves or their companies by names incorporating a "Javanese sound" or combining their native language with Bahasa Indonesia or Javanese [62].
In contrast, the Malay community in Malacca, which promotes a diversified vision, regards immigrants as individuals rather than a collective group.People are brought closer together in developing a natural cohesion thanks to the diversity that exists among them.Many names are the same for people of Chinese, Indian, or other ethnicities, and many names are associated with religious identities like Islam, Christianity, and other religions.All of these names exist in society and are given equal value.
The existence of technology will make the other transaction easier to complete [63].The progression of technology has an impact on many facets of daily life and is even capable of causing significant shifts in long-standing cultural norms.Numerous shopping programs, for instance, provide excellent culinary services; all one needs to do is enter particular food keywords, and the smartphone screen presents a landscape of restaurants [64].This circumstance improves both the use of space and the utilization of time [1].Customers do not have to go to the establishment they are ordering from to place an order.They can place an order for meals using these programs, which they can then pay for without leaving the comfort of their homes, and the food will be brought to them .
Because of the intersection of these two cultural domains, actors in the culinary business have to compete with one another for branding opportunities [1], one of which is the naming of restaurants and other eating establishments.The presence of advanced technological capabilities acts as a magnet, drawing in both well-established and newly opened eating establishments.New restaurants are striving to become so popular that they are always at the top of the search list for meal menus in existing applications, while more established restaurants are working toward becoming household names in their respective industries.Regarding this establishment, there are two restaurants in Yogyakarta and Malacca, known as gudeg and laksa, and it is fascinating to note both of these restaurants.The selection of these two foods was based on something other than their popularity or uniqueness.Instead, it was chosen because of a potent feminine marking appeal that gives them their iconic status and the force it possesses.As evidenced by the data, none of the gudeg eatery names containing gender markers is a male-named pattern.Table 5 outlines seven patterns of select gudeg restaurant names that encourage the presence of female markers.The initial marker is yu.The word yu is used when approaching an older sister in Javanese.This is the truncated address of mbak ayu [65].In ancient times, you placed great importance on elder sisters from the same household.As a display of respect or courtesy, the phrase has been expanded to cover all ladies viewed as elder than the speaker, such as Yu Djum, Yu Sum, Yu Sus, and Yu Retno.
Similarly, mbak, a term similar to yu, undergoes the same expansion in meaning and defining the feminine marker in the Javanese community, such as Mbak Rani, Mbak Anti, Mbak Majida, and Mbak Ria.In contrast, mbah is a greeting designated for those judged by the elderly based on age, life experience, or the fact that they have previously given birth to grandchildren.Mbah is certified as a female marker when coupled with a proper female name.In Javanese culture, proper names are frequently associated with gender identification.Uhlenbeck (1969 and1982) stated that names have several gender-indicating patterns.These include the last syllable forms -i, -tun, and -ah, as in Wartini, Parmiatun, and Misrikah, and the rhyming patterns a-i-i in Partini, u-i-e in Sugiyem, and ui-a-i in Djumiati.
Meanwhile, bu and mbok are two separate words with origins in Bahasa Indonesia and Javanese.These terms pertain to feminine markers.Bu assumes the form of mother in both official and informal contexts, and it is widely employed in spoken and written language when alluding to kinship.It is a contraction of ibu.Mbok also realized that mbok is short for simbok.Nonetheless, mbok has a different connotation in specific contexts.At least seven Javanese meanings and functions are listed by Tur for mbok.This unusual interpretation of mbok is used by business owners to create distinctive restaurant names, such as Mbok Mandeg, which means "please stop by and see us," and Mbok Reneo, which means "please come here."In addition, the final female marker in the restaurant name of Gudeg is Hj [66].It stands for hajjah, an honorific title conferred by the community and regarded socially acceptable for public use when referring to women who have performed the hajj.In a more limited setting and during daily conversations with a high degree of rapport between the speakers and interlocutors, however, hajjah can indicate respect for the woman's religious behaviour and knowledge despite her lack of hajj.
Similarly, in Malacca, restaurants serving laksa have a striking resemblance to the indicators of female names.The examples of patterns that can be exploited as cultural icons are provided in Table 6.There is a slight variation in the pattern of gender identifiers in laksa-selling restaurants' names in Malacca.The majority of them correctly identified the Nyonya and restaurant proprietors.A sense of cultural identification may encourage this behaviour.Malay is the major ethnic group in Malacca, whereas Chinese/Peranakans, Indians, Portuguese, and Europeans/Americans coexist harmoniously [67].The laksa menu is identical to that of Chinese and Chinese-descended Peranakans [67].As a result, efforts are made to assimilate into the local community and coexist with them.
The usage of the name Nyonya in their restaurant names, which signifies a woman's identity, indicates how the native population can accept Ethnic Chinese immigrants.Nyonya is defined as an international wife [67].Socially, however, women are perceived to have a higher literacy level than indigenous people.Even in some cultures, the Nyonya refers to the master of the maid [68].They use these names as restaurant names to legitimize the prevalence of female roles in culinary issues in Chinese society [24].Women play a significant role in household administration [69].Then, it is promoted to the public sphere.Very few Chinese or Peranakan eateries sell laksa without associating it with a female name, such as Restoran Nyonya Makko, Seri Nyonya Peranakan Restaurant, or Nyonya Lucious Kitchen Melaka.Those who combine masculine identity phrases such as baba into restaurant names will inevitably include female identities, such as Nyonya Laksa at 486 Baba Low.Like Gudeg's restaurants, female proper names are included directly in restaurant titles, such as Nancy's Kitchen and Aunty Lee's Nyonya Restaurant.
Both restaurant names indicated in the preceding paragraph, namely gudeg and laksa, depict a woman's public identity, which is used as branding for the respective restaurant names.Each has established itself and become a symbol of its local region.However, their perspectives differ significantly when it comes to promoting the possibilities of women's identities as restaurant brand names.Historical characteristics and cultural connections can be found to be distinct, at the very least.
Gudeg and laksa have different socioeconomic origins in society.Gudeg is linked with the city and is a staple of the lower middle class [70].According to Geertz's definition (1960), Gudeg refers to the abangan class, not santri or priyayi.Gudeg is prepared using unripe jackfruit and several spices.Fascinatingly, gudeg requires numerous cooking steps and can be reheated for days.However, the more frequently the gudeg is heated, the more delicious it will taste.This is the lifestyle of the lower middle class, who must use the same components for their daily food to reduce expenses.This cuisine, unlike mie laksa, was introduced to Malaysia by ethnic Chinese [27].The primary ingredient is flour, which was uncommon at the time.The food is then infused with flavours tailored to the preferences of the indigenous people.Thus, mie laksa got access to and became a part of the gastronomic bounty of the Malay people [71].Gudeg is said to be the original dish of middleclass Javanese in Yogyakarta.In contrast, laksa is a dish that originated in ethnic Malay populations until it was accepted and coupled with local cuisine.This historical process influences the formation of cultural identity.Publicly, Gudeg represents middle-class Javanese society, which is identical to the patriarchal structure [18].Oh also believes that previously, the women's names in the attachment of Gudeg eatery names were the pictures of those who cooked the food [18].However, now their names are used as branding strategies to appear in front of the public because the middle-class society needs help to achieve equity.This is in contrast to the prevalent Chinese culture among ethnic Malay individuals.They are pleased to adapt their culture to Malay society.Men and women are treated equally in public in Ethnic Chinese society, despite the majority of their society being patriarchal [72].As a sign of women's power and recognition in the culinary sector, this concept is portrayed through the names of eateries.The use of language also reveals their shared cultural affinity.Gudeg uses indigenous language or vernacular since they live and breathe branding inside their community, whereas laksa includes English or another language lexicon for international recognition.In addition, Ethnic Chinese believe that the use of English in their names is an indication of higher service standards, meaning that they are responsive, their establishment is cleaner, the cuisine is guaranteed to be tasty, and the name is easily remembered by outsiders [73].

Conclusion
In a patriarchal culture, women with all their characteristics are viewed as a secondary alternative to a subordinate position.Using restaurant names that incorporate women's names is one method in which women strive to equalize their social roles with males.The restaurant names that sell gudeg and laksa illustrate the social attraction of women's power.The belief that ladies are the defining feature of gudeg and laksa has grown engrained in people's perceptions.Despite this, women's identities in patriarchal society continue to necessitate a struggle for equal positions in eateries associated with masculinity, such as soupy meals, angkringan, and kedai.Even though women play a vital part in company operations, they place men at the heart of corporate operations.It is possible to reclaim women's power by using restaurant names that integrate women's names as icons.In the natural world, men and women have equal abilities and roles in running a culinary business, including naming their restaurants.However, the upbringing of people living inside a patriarchal system compels women to fight for equality in society, particularly in culinary matters.In addition to being able to cook for their own families, they must be able to assume a significant role in the culinary sector by leveraging their identities.In order to restore women's authority in restaurant names, it is vital to preserving networking, market attraction, and authenticity as motivating factors.

Table 1 .
The Recognition of female"s marker on eatery names in Yogyakarta FemaleMeanwhile, the table 2. below indicates the preference of female"s markers on eateries in Malacca attached to common restaurants vending various dishes and to eateries selling various kinds of nasi.

Table 2 .
The Recognition of female"s marker on eatery names in Malacca

Table 3 .
The Recognition of female"s marker on Angkringan

Table 4 .
The Recognition of female"s marker on Kedai Names

Table 5 .
Female"s Marker Examples in Gudeg Eatery Names

Table 6 .
Female"s Marker Examples in Laksa Eatery Names